Situation of Indigenous Peoples in Mato Grosso do Sul slide image

Situation of Indigenous Peoples in Mato Grosso do Sul

INDIGENIST MISSIONARY COUNCIL - CIMI teme production. The ambivalence of the state is better understood when the production chain is broken down: Shell and Cosan signed a joint-venture called Raizen with the tactical purpose of improving North American market share in ethanol sales7. The refinery located in Caarapó has as sourcing supplier NovAmérica Agrícola which, in turn, purchases the raw material produced on two properties inserted on the already identified lands of Guyraroka, as declared and ready to be physically demarcated. Financing for the planting of cane sugar as well as the implements necessary for cultivation come from the Federal Government, through financial resources of BNDES - National Bank of Social and Economic Development, passed on to private banks, which in turn transfer money to the rural producer. All of this occurs, it must be emphasized, despite the legal environmental and human rights standards. Under this logic of transfers, in relation to the area Guyraroka boundaries, 9,637 hectares were financed, of which only two properties are effectively contained in the Indigenous Land as identified, delimited and Declared - namely, the Fazenda Santa Claudine with 4,408 hectares and the Fazenda São Sebastião do Ipacaraí (in the region of Cabo de Aço) with 356 hectares. The impacts on the community were to have been evaluated well before construction of the refinery, taking into account the direct and indirect, environmental and social, temporary and permanent effects. Instead, the plant was constructed as if there were no indigenous peoples in the region or as if, historically, there were no records of indigenous presence. More than the problem of invisibility of this people being a constant, it is not possible to plead ignorance of the Kaiowá presence at that site where the building was erected, since it is only a few kilometers (a distance that could be covered on foot in a matter of minutes) from two indigenous lands - Guyraroka and Takuara. It must be emphasized that because of the various conflicts that have erupted in these two areas, as a result of land disputes over the past 10 years, it is impossible for either the State, or for private interests to claim ignorance of indigenous demands. Such practice constitutes what is called environmental racismo. Part of the schizophrenia of the state is the result of ambivalence in application of the regulatory instruments, the scope of which would be socioeconomic and environmental impact assessments for the environmental licensing procedure of these enterprises. It so happens that in the environmental impact studies of these potentially degrading activities, the indigenous component does not appear or is not properly presented, with the result being, in a near totality of the cases, the approval of the environmental licensing. Indeed, both locally and regionally, there is an invisibility of indigenous populations; the instruments of consultation and public hearings, provided for in Convention 169/89 of the ILO and in Resolution 009/87 of CONAMA, are not put into effect or not made to occur in a prior, informed and assisted manner, to the detriment of the communities. It should be noted that the undertaking of an enterprise of this magnitude never occurs as a stand-alone enterprise, in that an infrastructure network also needs to be deployed. Thus, the roads built or widened, running through the indigenous lands, already regularized or those to be regularized, in effect, end up reproducing the schizophrenia being discussed here. The widening of MS 156 is a known case of road construction, the execution of which was made a marginal item in the study and report on the environmental impact assessment (EIA/RIMA), as related to the "indigenous component." In this case, 46
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